SPC-Axmun
III
Crisis in
Crimean Peninsula
For the first
time after the events in the Balkans at the end of the last
century, Europe is facing a serious crisis
in its territories. The situation in
Ukraine and especially in Crimea and the
eastern regions of the country is a
charged powder keg ready to blow, from one
moment to another. The
international community and especially the
United Nations, needs to find a
way to normalize the situation in an area
which is crucial for the European
Union as well as for several other nations.
This geopolitical area is
fundamental for ensuring peace and
security, economic wellbeing and most
of all, energy security. The issues in the
country span a variety and all of
them need a feasible short term solution
that will lead to a long term new
stability. It is
necessary to consider the different aspirations of the citizens
who to move eastwards or westwards; it is
crucial to secure an
internationally recognized and a legitimate
government; it is fundamental to
avoid military fights in the Crimean
peninsula in order to not to drive a wider
armed conflict. International laws and
treaties have to be considered in order
to understand if we are facing a process of
auto determination of a
population or if we have to suppress an act
of international aggression. What
is clear is that the United Nations
Security Council has to find concrete
solutions in order to not let the situation
degenerate into a bloody conflict
that will affect too many people.
The risk of falling into a new “Cold War”
situation is extremely high, we are
living in times in which the energy
strategies and the political influences in
certain areas are the engine of new
international relations, but it is the
precise duty of this UN body to ensure a
strong respect of the international
rules in order to not let the world walk in
the direction of a “dog eat dog”
power system.
RECENT HISTORY
The following two parts of this study guide
(b and c) will only be a neutral and
short overview of the facts that lead to
the actual situation, in order to not
influence the further research that each
delegate is expected to conduct to
better understand the topic. The critical
issues and the problems will be
discussed briefly in the last part.
Although there is no limit to Ukraine’s historical
biography, the background
guide will only be a brief summary of the
recent history and a description of
the events of the last months, in order to
better understand where the roots
of this crisis stands, leaving a deeper
research of the ancient history of the
country to each delegate.
December 1991 was a period which saw
Ukraine blessed by an
independence backed by more than 90% of its
citizens. The first elected
president Leonid Kravchuk, in charge since
1994, had attempted to
strengthen Ukraine’s identity as an
independent nation. He was defeated by
Leonid Kuchma in 1994, who also went on to
win the 1999 elections. Kuchma
adopted a multi-vector policy and built
closer relations with Russia. Since
gaining independence Ukraine has struggled
to build democratic and
accountable state institutions. During
these first 13 years the citizens faced
many problems, from hyperinflation and
economic mismanagement to
corruption and human rights abuses. As the
2004 presidential elections
approached, a growing dissatisfaction
existed among Ukrainians.
Two candidates presented themselves at the
elections and prior to the voting
procedure it was not clear which candidate
enjoyed greater support. One
was Viktor Yushenko, the “opposition
candidate” and the second one was a
name that we are going to face again in the
next pages, Viktor Yanukovych,
the “establishment candidate”. Yushenko
despite pressures against his
campaign, secured a narrow lead after the
first round, but not enough votes
to win outright. In the second round
electoral fraud materially affected the
outcome but Yanukovych was declared the
winner by the commission. After
the announcement of the result, the 22nd of
November was the first day of
the so called Orange Revolution, where
massive and non-violent protests
took place and a political crisis sprung
out. After this, on 3 December, the
Supreme Court took the issue out of the
political realm, when it ordered that
the second round be repeated on 26
December. On 10 January 2005 the
Central Election Commission officially
declared that Yushenko had won the
repeat election with a margin of almost 8%.
The revolution created high
expectations that Ukraine would break with
semi-authoritarian and oligarchic
rule and start to construct a genuinely
democratic state. Nevertheless from
late 2005 Ukraine always looked in a power
crisis; the common people lost
interest in politics and patience with a
political class which appeared more
interested in its own business than in
delivering stability and prosperity,
revealing themselves as immature and often
corrupted. In the years that
separate the Orange Revolution from today,
due to the energy crisis and the
world economic downturn, most citizens were
concerned mostly with their
deteriorating living conditions. The main
legacy of the revolution may be that
because it happened once it could happen
again if the political elites do not
become more accountable to their citizens,
and this is exactly what
happened after the Vilnius meeting.
OVERVIEW OF THE UKRAINIAN
CRISIS AND ITS TWO FACES
The situation that we are facing now could
be divided in two different parts,
the “National” one, and (Crimea Crisis),
the “International” one. Dividing this
into two movements will help us better
understand where and when the
international community should intervene.
The first part “officially” started
after the stepping back of Yanukovych. The
first mass protests were pacific,
similar to the Orange revolution, but as it
was easy to predict, violence
succeeded the protests. The months of
December, January and February
were characterized by explosions of
violence between the protesters and the
police, which ended in some cases with
death causalities, and short
“ceasefire” moments. Russian president
Vladimir Putin promised a huge
financial help to Yanukovych, leaving the
citizens divided between those who
were still supporting the government and
those who were for a radical
change and pushing for more protests in
order to remove the government.
The symbolic place of the manifestation was
Maidan Square, a place which
garnered international fame and with the
eyes of the world constantly on
what was happening there. Despite the
international attention and
pressures, all the struggle was consumed
inside the country, between
citizens that belonged to different ideas
and between the official forces and
the participants of the manifestations,
hence making it a “National” phase.
This phase ended with the liberation of
Yulia Tymoshenko and the fleeing of
president Yanukovych. With a transition
government ruling the country, the
situation switched from a “National” to an
“International” one.
On the 27th of February 2014, armed forces
without on their uniforms
entered in the Crimean city of Simferopol,
got into the building of the
Supreme Council of Crimea and exposed a
Russian Flag. From that moment
the escalation of the Crisis was very
quick, Crimea was an autonomous
region of Ukraine, with a majority of
Russian speaking citizens and with
enormous strategic importance for the
Russian government because of the
naval bases and access to Black Sea. Citing
the need of protecting Russian
citizens in Crimea, Russian president
authorized his official military forces
and in only a few days, supported by a wide
portion of the inhabitants and
also by some members of the Ukrainian Army,
all the “hot spots” of the
peninsula like airports, harbors, military
bases, TV stations, were brought
under control of the Russian forces. The
Crimean parliament decided to hold
a referendum that took place on the 16th of
March, and thanks to a
unanimous consensus of the voters, on the
17th of March, Crimea declared
its independence from Ukraine. Pushing the
ongoing situation, The U.N
Security Council failed while trying to
pass a resolution about the “invasion”
and the referendum, driven by the veto
power used by the Russian
Delegation. On the 27th of March the U.N
General Assembly voted in favor of
GA/11493, a resolution that calls upon
states not to recognize political
changes in the Crimea Region.
Ukraine is one of the countries inside the
Eastern Partnership program,
founded in 2008, along with Moldova,
Georgia, Belarus, Azerbaijan and
Armenia. This program was created in order
to enforce the trading situation
and the economic situation of these
counties, placed in strategic positions for
the European ones, to give them stability
and to help in their growing
process. This was only the first step, in
fact the second one was supposed to be the signing of an association agreement
with the European Union that
would lead to an even closer partnership
with the goal of the creation of
common standards with the European
countries in both economic and social
fields. Ukraine was the first country that
started to work to accomplish this
integration process, since early 2009 and
this was very well considered by all
those citizens who wanted to finally
distance themselves from the former
Soviet Union state of mind and appreciate
the European system, seeing it as
a successful model of development for the
Ukrainian future. After years of
preparation, the moment of the Association
agreement signing was
supposed to be the Meeting held in Vilnius,
28-29 of November 2013.
Ukraine was facing the concrete possibility
of an economic default and the
sign was seen as the only way to get out of
this, thanks to a financial plan and
the cancellation of all the custom duties
for the goods that would be moved
in and out. President Yanukovych on the
date of 21 November interrupted
the process that would have led to the
sign, probably after Russian
pressures, and this was the “casus belli”
that made the situation collapse and
led us to the actual scenario.
The situation that we are facing now could
be divided in two different parts,
the “National” one, and (Crimea Crisis),
the “International” one. Dividing this
into two movements will help us better
understand where and when the
international community should intervene.
The first part “officially” started
after the stepping back of Yanukovych. The
first mass protests were pacific,
similar to the Orange revolution, but as it
was easy to predict, violence
succeeded the protests. The months of
December, January and February
were characterized by explosions of
violence between the protesters and the
police, which ended in some cases with
death causalities, and short
“ceasefire” moments. Russian president
Vladimir Putin promised a huge
financial help to Yanukovych, leaving the
citizens divided between those who
were still supporting the government and
those who were for a radical
change and pushing for more protests in
order to remove the government.
The symbolic place of the manifestation was
Maidan Square, a place which
garnered international fame and with the
eyes of the world constantly on
what was happening there. Despite the
international attention and
pressures, all the struggle was consumed
inside the country, between
citizens that belonged to different ideas
and between the official forces and
the participants of the manifestations,
hence making it a “National” phase.
This phase ended with the liberation of
Yulia Tymoshenko and the fleeing of
president Yanukovych. With a transition
government ruling the country, the
situation switched from a “National” to an
“International” one.
On the 27th of February 2014, armed forces
without on their uniforms
entered in the Crimean city of Simferopol,
got into the building of the
Supreme Council of Crimea and exposed a
Russian Flag. From that moment
the escalation of the Crisis was very
quick, Crimea was an autonomous
region of Ukraine, with a majority of
Russian speaking citizens and with
enormous strategic importance for the
Russian government because of the
naval bases and access to Black Sea. Citing
the need of protecting Russian
citizens in Crimea, Russian president
authorized his official military forces
and in only a few days, supported by a wide
portion of the inhabitants and
also by some members of the Ukrainian Army,
all the “hot spots” of the
peninsula like airports, harbors, military
bases, TV stations, were brought
under control of the Russian forces. The
Crimean parliament decided to hold
a referendum that took place on the 16th of
March, and thanks to a
unanimous consensus of the voters, on the
17th of March, Crimea declared
its independence from Ukraine. Pushing the
ongoing situation, The U.N
Security Council failed while trying to
pass a resolution about the “invasion”
and the referendum, driven by the veto
power used by the Russian
Delegation. On the 27th of March the U.N
General Assembly voted in favor of
GA/11493, a resolution that calls upon
states not to recognize political
changes in the Crimea Region
Last but not the least, it is now important
to understand why this situation is
important. First of all, under
international law, if strictly considered, we are
facing a case of Aggression. Military
forces of a foreign country (Russia)
occupied a part of another country without
its consensus. Self-determination
of a population is a fundamental right as
stated in Chapter 1, Article 1, and
Paragraph 2 of the United Nations Charter.
Crimea is a region with a huge
majority of Russian population and their
will to self-determination has to be
protected from an entity strongly against
them, which is also the reason cited
by the Russian president about their
movements inside Crimea.
The ethnic situation is unstable because of
two major reasons. The Russians
on one hand are a strong majority not only
in Crimea but also in other
eastern regions and allowing the Crimean
secession could cause a “domino
effect” in the other regions, leading to a
dissolution of a huge part of Ukraine.
On the other hand there is a Tartar
minority that is afraid about the
possibility of ethical cleansing, if the
situation degenerates.
Each delegate, considering the position of
its country has to first take a
position about this issue, and consider the
situation from a precise point of
view.
The first questions that a resolution
should answer are:
- Are we facing a foreign occupation or a
self-determination process?
Directly connected to this question is:
- Is the referendum legal and
internationally valid?
After the clarification of your country’s
position on these questions, it would
be required to decide upon the
international actions that need to be taken.
The United Nations has produced only a
non-binding resolution and the
Security Council is frozen because of the
Russian Veto power. Some
sanctions have been activated against
Russia, with their efficiencies under
question.
Motivating stability in the region should
be the first priority and if the armies
of Russia and Ukraine will clash, the cost
in terms of human life has to be
cited in order to avoid any possible
confrontations.
Another chance is that the situation will
simply stay in this phase, something
already seen in this neighborhood, with the
other four so called “frozen
conflicts”: Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh,
Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It’s
crucial to avoid another case like these in
Crimea and Eastern Ukraine,
keeping in mind the economic interests
which run much deeper than in the
other “frozen” areas. This will for sure
lead to the creation of a “no man’s
land” which will become a haven for
criminal activities and atrocities.
Another important point is the strategic
position of Ukraine in the European
energy policy. A stable Ukraine means an
energy secured Europe. Ensuring
energy security is one of the biggest
challenges of our time and a solution for
this challenge in the European area has to
take into consideration the
situation of Ukraine.
Considering all these elements other
fundamental questions that a
resolution of this council should answer
are:
- What concrete action could be taken by
the UN considering the SC
situation?
- How to avoid a war?
- How to avoid a frozen conflict?
- How to ensure energy security.
- Which action should be taken in order to
help Ukraine build a safe and
democratic state and to avoid future
crisis?
These are only suggestions, the situation
has many other issues not
mentioned in the background guide or that
could be interesting only for
certain countries. I hope you will use this
guide as a starting point to better
understand the situation and from here
develop the position of your
country.
I strongly encourage personal research; the
situation is still being defined
and it is a chance for you to study and
delve deep into the fundamental
questions of security, international
relations and geopolitics. Don’t lose the
occasion to feel like a real diplomat and
prepare yourself!
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