Monday 24 November 2014

Topic Guide for Special Conference


SPC-Axmun III

Crisis in Crimean Peninsula

For the first time after the events in the Balkans at the end of the last

century, Europe is facing a serious crisis in its territories. The situation in

Ukraine and especially in Crimea and the eastern regions of the country is a

charged powder keg ready to blow, from one moment to another. The

international community and especially the United Nations, needs to find a

way to normalize the situation in an area which is crucial for the European

Union as well as for several other nations. This geopolitical area is

fundamental for ensuring peace and security, economic wellbeing and most

of all, energy security. The issues in the country span a variety and all of

them need a feasible short term solution that will lead to a long term new

stability. It is necessary to consider the different aspirations of the citizens               

who to move eastwards or westwards; it is crucial to secure an

internationally recognized and a legitimate government; it is fundamental to

avoid military fights in the Crimean peninsula in order to not to drive a wider

armed conflict. International laws and treaties have to be considered in order

to understand if we are facing a process of auto determination of a

population or if we have to suppress an act of international aggression. What

is clear is that the United Nations Security Council has to find concrete

solutions in order to not let the situation degenerate into a bloody conflict

that will affect too many people.

The risk of falling into a new “Cold War” situation is extremely high, we are

living in times in which the energy strategies and the political influences in

certain areas are the engine of new international relations, but it is the

precise duty of this UN body to ensure a strong respect of the international

rules in order to not let the world walk in the direction of a “dog eat dog”

power system.

RECENT HISTORY

The following two parts of this study guide (b and c) will only be a neutral and

short overview of the facts that lead to the actual situation, in order to not

influence the further research that each delegate is expected to conduct to

better understand the topic. The critical issues and the problems will be

discussed briefly in the last part.

Although there is no limit to Ukraine’s historical biography, the background

guide will only be a brief summary of the recent history and a description of

the events of the last months, in order to better understand where the roots

of this crisis stands, leaving a deeper research of the ancient history of the

country to each delegate.

December 1991 was a period which saw Ukraine blessed by an

independence backed by more than 90% of its citizens. The first elected

president Leonid Kravchuk, in charge since 1994, had attempted to

strengthen Ukraine’s identity as an independent nation. He was defeated by

Leonid Kuchma in 1994, who also went on to win the 1999 elections. Kuchma

adopted a multi-vector policy and built closer relations with Russia. Since

gaining independence Ukraine has struggled to build democratic and

accountable state institutions. During these first 13 years the citizens faced

many problems, from hyperinflation and economic mismanagement to

corruption and human rights abuses. As the 2004 presidential elections

approached, a growing dissatisfaction existed among Ukrainians.

Two candidates presented themselves at the elections and prior to the voting

procedure it was not clear which candidate enjoyed greater support. One

was Viktor Yushenko, the “opposition candidate” and the second one was a

name that we are going to face again in the next pages, Viktor Yanukovych,

the “establishment candidate”. Yushenko despite pressures against his

campaign, secured a narrow lead after the first round, but not enough votes

to win outright. In the second round electoral fraud materially affected the

outcome but Yanukovych was declared the winner by the commission. After

the announcement of the result, the 22nd of November was the first day of

the so called Orange Revolution, where massive and non-violent protests

took place and a political crisis sprung out. After this, on 3 December, the

Supreme Court took the issue out of the political realm, when it ordered that

the second round be repeated on 26 December. On 10 January 2005 the

Central Election Commission officially declared that Yushenko had won the

repeat election with a margin of almost 8%. The revolution created high

expectations that Ukraine would break with semi-authoritarian and oligarchic

rule and start to construct a genuinely democratic state. Nevertheless from

late 2005 Ukraine always looked in a power crisis; the common people lost

interest in politics and patience with a political class which appeared more

interested in its own business than in delivering stability and prosperity,

revealing themselves as immature and often corrupted. In the years that

separate the Orange Revolution from today, due to the energy crisis and the

world economic downturn, most citizens were concerned mostly with their

deteriorating living conditions. The main legacy of the revolution may be that

because it happened once it could happen again if the political elites do not

become more accountable to their citizens, and this is exactly what

happened after the Vilnius meeting.

OVERVIEW OF THE UKRAINIAN

CRISIS AND ITS TWO FACES

The situation that we are facing now could be divided in two different parts,

the “National” one, and (Crimea Crisis), the “International” one. Dividing this

into two movements will help us better understand where and when the

international community should intervene. The first part “officially” started

after the stepping back of Yanukovych. The first mass protests were pacific,

similar to the Orange revolution, but as it was easy to predict, violence

succeeded the protests. The months of December, January and February

were characterized by explosions of violence between the protesters and the

police, which ended in some cases with death causalities, and short

“ceasefire” moments. Russian president Vladimir Putin promised a huge

financial help to Yanukovych, leaving the citizens divided between those who

were still supporting the government and those who were for a radical

change and pushing for more protests in order to remove the government.

The symbolic place of the manifestation was Maidan Square, a place which

garnered international fame and with the eyes of the world constantly on

what was happening there. Despite the international attention and

pressures, all the struggle was consumed inside the country, between

citizens that belonged to different ideas and between the official forces and

the participants of the manifestations, hence making it a “National” phase.

This phase ended with the liberation of Yulia Tymoshenko and the fleeing of

president Yanukovych. With a transition government ruling the country, the

situation switched from a “National” to an “International” one.

On the 27th of February 2014, armed forces without on their uniforms

entered in the Crimean city of Simferopol, got into the building of the

Supreme Council of Crimea and exposed a Russian Flag. From that moment

the escalation of the Crisis was very quick, Crimea was an autonomous

region of Ukraine, with a majority of Russian speaking citizens and with

enormous strategic importance for the Russian government because of the

naval bases and access to Black Sea. Citing the need of protecting Russian

citizens in Crimea, Russian president authorized his official military forces

and in only a few days, supported by a wide portion of the inhabitants and

also by some members of the Ukrainian Army, all the “hot spots” of the

peninsula like airports, harbors, military bases, TV stations, were brought

under control of the Russian forces. The Crimean parliament decided to hold

a referendum that took place on the 16th of March, and thanks to a

unanimous consensus of the voters, on the 17th of March, Crimea declared

its independence from Ukraine. Pushing the ongoing situation, The U.N

Security Council failed while trying to pass a resolution about the “invasion”

and the referendum, driven by the veto power used by the Russian

Delegation. On the 27th of March the U.N General Assembly voted in favor of

GA/11493, a resolution that calls upon states not to recognize political

changes in the Crimea Region.

Ukraine is one of the countries inside the Eastern Partnership program,

founded in 2008, along with Moldova, Georgia, Belarus, Azerbaijan and

Armenia. This program was created in order to enforce the trading situation

and the economic situation of these counties, placed in strategic positions for

the European ones, to give them stability and to help in their growing

process. This was only the first step, in fact the second one was supposed to be the signing of an association agreement with the European Union that

would lead to an even closer partnership with the goal of the creation of

common standards with the European countries in both economic and social

fields. Ukraine was the first country that started to work to accomplish this

integration process, since early 2009 and this was very well considered by all

those citizens who wanted to finally distance themselves from the former

Soviet Union state of mind and appreciate the European system, seeing it as

a successful model of development for the Ukrainian future. After years of

preparation, the moment of the Association agreement signing was

supposed to be the Meeting held in Vilnius, 28-29 of November 2013.

Ukraine was facing the concrete possibility of an economic default and the

sign was seen as the only way to get out of this, thanks to a financial plan and

the cancellation of all the custom duties for the goods that would be moved

in and out. President Yanukovych on the date of 21 November interrupted

the process that would have led to the sign, probably after Russian

pressures, and this was the “casus belli” that made the situation collapse and

led us to the actual scenario.

The situation that we are facing now could be divided in two different parts,

the “National” one, and (Crimea Crisis), the “International” one. Dividing this

into two movements will help us better understand where and when the

international community should intervene. The first part “officially” started

after the stepping back of Yanukovych. The first mass protests were pacific,

similar to the Orange revolution, but as it was easy to predict, violence

succeeded the protests. The months of December, January and February

were characterized by explosions of violence between the protesters and the

police, which ended in some cases with death causalities, and short

“ceasefire” moments. Russian president Vladimir Putin promised a huge

financial help to Yanukovych, leaving the citizens divided between those who

were still supporting the government and those who were for a radical

change and pushing for more protests in order to remove the government.

The symbolic place of the manifestation was Maidan Square, a place which

garnered international fame and with the eyes of the world constantly on

what was happening there. Despite the international attention and

pressures, all the struggle was consumed inside the country, between

citizens that belonged to different ideas and between the official forces and

the participants of the manifestations, hence making it a “National” phase.

This phase ended with the liberation of Yulia Tymoshenko and the fleeing of

president Yanukovych. With a transition government ruling the country, the

situation switched from a “National” to an “International” one.

On the 27th of February 2014, armed forces without on their uniforms

entered in the Crimean city of Simferopol, got into the building of the

Supreme Council of Crimea and exposed a Russian Flag. From that moment

the escalation of the Crisis was very quick, Crimea was an autonomous

region of Ukraine, with a majority of Russian speaking citizens and with

enormous strategic importance for the Russian government because of the

naval bases and access to Black Sea. Citing the need of protecting Russian

citizens in Crimea, Russian president authorized his official military forces

and in only a few days, supported by a wide portion of the inhabitants and

also by some members of the Ukrainian Army, all the “hot spots” of the

peninsula like airports, harbors, military bases, TV stations, were brought

under control of the Russian forces. The Crimean parliament decided to hold

a referendum that took place on the 16th of March, and thanks to a

unanimous consensus of the voters, on the 17th of March, Crimea declared

its independence from Ukraine. Pushing the ongoing situation, The U.N

Security Council failed while trying to pass a resolution about the “invasion”

and the referendum, driven by the veto power used by the Russian

Delegation. On the 27th of March the U.N General Assembly voted in favor of

GA/11493, a resolution that calls upon states not to recognize political

changes in the Crimea Region

Last but not the least, it is now important to understand why this situation is

important. First of all, under international law, if strictly considered, we are

facing a case of Aggression. Military forces of a foreign country (Russia)

occupied a part of another country without its consensus. Self-determination

of a population is a fundamental right as stated in Chapter 1, Article 1, and

Paragraph 2 of the United Nations Charter. Crimea is a region with a huge

majority of Russian population and their will to self-determination has to be

protected from an entity strongly against them, which is also the reason cited

by the Russian president about their movements inside Crimea.

The ethnic situation is unstable because of two major reasons. The Russians

on one hand are a strong majority not only in Crimea but also in other

eastern regions and allowing the Crimean secession could cause a “domino

effect” in the other regions, leading to a dissolution of a huge part of Ukraine.

On the other hand there is a Tartar minority that is afraid about the

possibility of ethical cleansing, if the situation degenerates.

Each delegate, considering the position of its country has to first take a

position about this issue, and consider the situation from a precise point of

view.

The first questions that a resolution should answer are:

- Are we facing a foreign occupation or a self-determination process?

Directly connected to this question is:

- Is the referendum legal and internationally valid?

After the clarification of your country’s position on these questions, it would

be required to decide upon the international actions that need to be taken.

The United Nations has produced only a non-binding resolution and the

Security Council is frozen because of the Russian Veto power. Some

sanctions have been activated against Russia, with their efficiencies under

question.

Motivating stability in the region should be the first priority and if the armies

of Russia and Ukraine will clash, the cost in terms of human life has to be

cited in order to avoid any possible confrontations.

Another chance is that the situation will simply stay in this phase, something

already seen in this neighborhood, with the other four so called “frozen

conflicts”: Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It’s

crucial to avoid another case like these in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine,

keeping in mind the economic interests which run much deeper than in the

other “frozen” areas. This will for sure lead to the creation of a “no man’s

land” which will become a haven for criminal activities and atrocities.

Another important point is the strategic position of Ukraine in the European

energy policy. A stable Ukraine means an energy secured Europe. Ensuring

energy security is one of the biggest challenges of our time and a solution for

this challenge in the European area has to take into consideration the

situation of Ukraine.

Considering all these elements other fundamental questions that a

resolution of this council should answer are:

- What concrete action could be taken by the UN considering the SC

situation?

- How to avoid a war?

- How to avoid a frozen conflict?

- How to ensure energy security.

- Which action should be taken in order to help Ukraine build a safe and

democratic state and to avoid future crisis?

These are only suggestions, the situation has many other issues not

mentioned in the background guide or that could be interesting only for

certain countries. I hope you will use this guide as a starting point to better

understand the situation and from here develop the position of your

country.

I strongly encourage personal research; the situation is still being defined

and it is a chance for you to study and delve deep into the fundamental

questions of security, international relations and geopolitics. Don’t lose the

occasion to feel like a real diplomat and prepare yourself!

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